Here’s my latest theory: the
lower public support falls for Bush’s costly and counter-productive military adventures, the more other-worldly his dwindling supporters turn.
How else to explain Robert Kagan’s latest agitprop entitled “Neocon Nation: Neoconservatism, c. 1776”? Your fingers will fall out of their sockets googling the web trying to find a more dishonest distortion of American history. Kagan’s piece could only find traction in an age when more that
half of American high school students think British General Cornwallis surrendered to Ulysses S. Grant at Yorktown. As the title of Kagan's piece proclaims, Neoconservatism is really THE American way of governance – and the foundations of this ideology of an interventionist, highly-centralized government backed by a massive, aggressive military were laid at the founding of our Republic.
Now, one might wonder why the Founders set up a highly decentralized government with Articles of Confederation and a later Constitution that guaranteed continued State sovereignty, including control over their own militias, or a Bill of Rights that deliberately hobbled the central government (especially that pesky Fourth Amendment strictly limiting the government’s power to search and seize persons and their property).
But this is Robert Kagan we’re talking about. Early in the piece, he offers
this example of the armed virtue America’s Neoconservative tradition was capable of:
To understand where the idea of promoting American principles by force comes from, it is not really necessary to parse the writings of Jewish émigrés. One could begin with less obscure writings, like the Republican Party’s campaign platform of 1900. In that long-forgotten document, the party leaders, setting the stage for what would be William McKinley’s crushing electoral victory over William Jennings Bryan, congratulated themselves and the country for their recently concluded war with Spain. It was, they declared, a war fought for “high purpose,” a “war for liberty and human rights” that had given “ten millions of the human race” a “new birth of freedom” and the American people “a new and noble responsibility . . . to confer the blessings of liberty and civilization upon all the rescued peoples.”
Yes, wasn’t it nice of the recently centralized American nation to confer liberty to the Filipinos? The noble language does indeed sound like Bush & Co. congratulating themselves for their invasion of Iraq. But in fact, both military actions were examples of brutal conquest rather than acts of liberation. The truth about America’s
conquest of the Philippines is that over one million Filipinos died resisting their conquerors from 1899 to 1913. American commander General Jacob H. Smith revealed the actual character of the war with his infamous order to "Kill everyone over ten” when his troops took over an ungrateful, rebellious village.
Kagan continues his
Three-card Monte version of American history with these distortions of Washington, Jefferson, and John Quincy Adams into primeval versions of Bush, Cheney, and Bolton:
With twenty years of peace, Washington predicted in his farewell address, the United States would acquire the power to “enable us in a just cause, to bid defiance to any power on earth.” Jefferson foresaw a vast “empire of liberty” spreading west, north, and south across the continent. John Quincy Adams considered the United States “destined by God and by nature to be the most populous and powerful people ever combined under one social contract.”
According to Kagan, those quotes endorse the Neocon ideology:
And these ideals would revolutionize the world. Hamilton, even in the 1790s, looked forward to the day when America would be powerful enough to assist peoples in the “gloomy regions of despotism” to rise up against the “tyrants” that oppressed them.
If you’re among those who believe Cornwallis presented his sword to Grant at Yorktown, you might accept Kagan’s conclusion that the Founders dreamed of such men as Wolfowitz and Feith as the embodiment of their ultimate vision for the American nation. But if your knowledge of history hasn’t slipped down the
Memory Hole, you might recall what the Founders actually said. Washington, for example, saw the new Union as a means of
avoiding wars rather than igniting them all over the globe, or as he put it, that the people of the States would
… find in the united mass of means and efforts greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations; and, what is of inestimable value, they must derive from union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves…
In the same Farewell Address from which Kagan devined George Washington’s distant dream of the National Security State, we find what the first president really thought about a standing military:
Hence, likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments which, under any form of government, are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to republican liberty.
Later, President Thomas Jefferson seconded and expanded Washington's denunciations of “permanent alliances” with foreign powers when he called for "peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none” in his inaugural address.
Finally, here’s what John Quincy Adams actually felt about Hamilton’s notions about what the American Republic should be:
Wherever the standard of freedom and Independence has been or shall be unfurled, there will her heart, her benedictions and her prayers be. But she goes not abroad, in search of monsters to destroy.
She well knows that by once enlisting under other banners than her own, were they even the banners of foreign independence, she would involve herself beyond the power of extrication, in all the wars of interest and intrigue, of individual avarice, envy, and ambition, which assume the colors and usurp the standard of freedom. The fundamental maxims of her policy would insensibly change from liberty to force....
Our earliest presidents, then, grasped that a strong, centralized, militaristic government would be the enemy of liberty at home and abroad, rather than its champion. But don’t try to tell Robert Kagan – he’s too busy deciphering what Jefferson had to say about America’s destiny to "liberate" Iran.